By John Pickard, Brentwood and Ongar CLP, personal capacity
The crisis in Catalonia is now one of the biggest in the EU, matching, for the moment, even the economic and political mess that falls under the general heading of ‘Brexit negotiations’. Thirty minutes after the Catalonian parliament voted to declare Catalonia an independent state last Friday, the Spanish upper house of parliament, the Senate, voted for the ‘nuclear option’ – the deployment of article 155 of the constitution – which means the central government has now abolished the parliament in Barcelona and is taking measures to govern directly from Madrid. The Spanish Prime Minister Rajoy has appointed his number two, Soraya Saenz de Santamaria, to be the governing voice of Madrid in Barcelona.
The nationalist movement of Catalonia and the central government of Rajoy are on a collision course, which represents the greatest crisis in modern Spanish history. Socialists must implacably oppose and offer no support whatsoever to the policies of the Rajoy government, which has sought to ‘solve’ the crisis by both judicial and literal brutality against the Catalan people. One thing is clear: whatever happens now, Spanish politics has irrevocably changed for the foreseeable future.
Let us be under no illusions. This is a crisis of Spanish capitalism. Like workers elsewhere in Europe and the world, Spanish workers have been made to suffer for the economic crisis of the banking system, from 2008 onwards. Spanish workers have been offered the same menu as workers elsewhere – austerity, cuts and insecurity. Swingeing cuts to the health and education system have been implemented, in order to cut the artificial €900bn ‘sovereign debt’ of the Government. Spain still suffers unemployment of around 13 per cent, a figure that does not take into account the movement of many young workers to other countries in Europe in search of jobs. Those lucky enough to have jobs have had their conditions and wages squeezed, like workers elsewhere.
Net disposable income in Spain is only three quarters the OECD average and there is a growing gap between the richest and the poorest in society. The top 20 per cent of the population earn close to seven times as much as the bottom 20 per cent. Despite Catalonia being a relatively ‘prosperous’ part of Spain, recent data shows that the cost of living in Barcelona itself is around 30 per cent higher than in the rest of Spain. Not surprisingly, there have even been protest movements against tourism and tourists as the income from that sector fails to filter down to the majority of workers, while it pushes up housing costs and the prices of necessities.
Across the whole of Spain there is real and palpable anger against the never-ending austerity and the failure of the opposition “socialists” (PSOE) to offer any alternative. Indeed, when in office, the PSOE themselves carried through austerity measures. It was as a result of this growing anger at their insecurity and cuts that many workers and youth have turned in recent years to new and radical movements that have challenged the ‘old’ politics, notably the United Left and Podemos. It was a Podemos candidate, for example, who won the mayoral position in the elections in Barcelona in 2016.
But the crisis in Spain is also a part of a world crisis, and the Catalonian situation cannot be considered in isolation from nationalist movements elsewhere. Austerity, cuts and insecurity across the whole of Europe (and beyond) has been answered with complete failure on the part of the traditional organisations of the working class. In the 1930s, Leon Trotsky argued that the fundamental contradiction of the period was between, on the one hand, the objective conditions – the crisis of capitalism, over-ripe for socialist change – and, on the other hand, the absence of the subjective factor – of a clear and decisive leadership from the workers’ organisations, leading towards a socialist transformation. If that were true in the period when Trotsky was writing, it is doubly and trebly true today.
The working class is immeasurably stronger in its social weight than it was in the 1930s and many middle-class layers like teachers, students and even doctors have been drawn into the ambit of the labour movement. But with the single exception of Britain, where the Labour Party (at long last) has moved in a leftward direction, the European social-democratic, ‘socialist’ and ‘communist’ parties have utterly failed to offer a way out of the austerity-impasse of world capitalism. It has been in the absence of an alternative that there has been on the one hand a generalised rise in nationalist movements across Europe and elsewhere, but also, on the other hand, a rise of new radical movements and parties with an agenda that is usually far to the left of the traditional working-class parties. In other words, under the hammer blows of economic and political crises, we are seeing a growing polarisation to right and left.
In the absence of an alternative and faced with seemingly endless austerity and cuts, many voters have swung away from their ‘traditional’ parties and in the direction of nationalist and xenophobic political parties. Beginning principally with the middle classes, but drawing in more backward and unorganised sections of the working class, nationalist movements have proliferated right across Europe. The Brexit vote in Britain and the election of right-wing nationalist parties in Poland, Hungary, Austria and now the Czech Republic are all a reflection of this process. Right-wing, so-called ‘populist’, parties have increased their votes also in Germany, France, Holland and elsewhere.
The instinctive reaction of socialists and labour activists, when faced with economic crisis and austerity, is for working class unity and a unified struggle to defend wages, rights and conditions at work. The policy of nationalists, on the other hand, is to blame foreigners, immigrants, newcomers and anyone else not part of the ‘nation’. It is the responsibility of socialists in all circumstances to identify themselves with the former – with the greatest possible unity of the working class and the struggle for change on that unified basis. That is why, in this period of capitalist decay through which we are passing, socialists have opposed nationalist movements and parties because they divide the working class. To change the diseased system of capitalism which dominates the world economy, workers need to be organised across national, ethnic and religion lines and not divided by the blind alley of nationalism.
That is the general principled position that all socialists should take, but in the concrete circumstances of what is happening in Catalonia and elsewhere how do socialists get over their message when such large sections of society see nationalism and “independence” as the solution to their problems?
The present-day crisis in Catalonia has its roots in the fascist dictatorship of General Franco. Catalonia has for centuries cherished its own language, history, culture and heritage. It was no accident that Catalonia was the cock-pit of the Spanish revolution of 1934-37 and it was principally in Barcelona that the revolution was crushed. The last declaration of Catalan independence, in 1934, was part of a generalised revolutionary struggle opening up across the whole of Spain. When that Catalonian government was crushed, along with the Spanish revolution, its leader, Luis Companys, fled to France. With French occupation by Nazi Germany, Companys was extradited to Spain, where he was executed by Franco. During the era of the Franco dictatorship, all expressions of Catalan cultural and linguistic traditions were viciously and brutally suppressed. These historical experiences have not been forgotten by Catalans.
Following Franco’s death, the Spanish capitalist class, ably assisted by the “leaders” of the labour movement, carefully managed the precarious transition from the clapped-out dictatorship of Franco to a ‘democracy’, in the form of an imposed constitutional monarchy. The aim of the 1978 constitution was to maintain the position and power of the very same forces that had supported Franco: the large industrialists, the landowners, the monarchy and the Church. These were given a “democratic facade” to halt the growing demands between 1975 and 1978 for revenge against Franco’s supporters for the misery and brutality meted out to the Spanish working class under his regime. But in the new constitutional arrangements, the autonomy granted to Catalonia was hedged around with restrictions and conditions. While elections to the Catalan parliament are allowed under the constitution, the central government, leaning on the undemocratic 1978 constitution, has explicitly denied the right of the Catalan Parliament to hold a referendum on independence, something even the British parliament allowed in Scotland.
In the face of economic crisis and growing support for nationalism, therefore, instead of acknowledging Catalonia’s legitimate right for greater autonomy or even secession, should the majority support it, the Spanish state has dealt with the issue by legal and actual violence.
Madrid has answered the surge of support for Catalan independence with a combination of ham-fist and iron fist. Ten days before the recent referendum called by the Catalan parliament, two of the leaders of the Catalan national movement were arrested and charged with ‘sedition’ and conspiracy to commit sedition, offences that carry a prison sentence of up to 30 years and more under the constitution. Jordi Sanchez and Jordi Cuixart, leaders, respectively, of the Catalan National Assembly and the Omnium Cultural (both Catalan politico-cultural movements) were arrested, along with other Catalan officials and then refused bail. Not surprisingly, their arrest and the threats emanating from Madrid, gave even greater impetus to the referendum planned for October 1st. On the day of the referendum, the Spanish government used the national police – the Guardia Civil – in an attempt to disrupt or prevent the vote from taking place. The pictures of a national paramilitary force beating and brutalising ordinary Catalan voters, including old men and women, were beamed around the whole world, further inflaming the nationalist movement.
Carles Puigdemont, the leader of the Catalan parliament, and his party PDECAT, are no friends of the Spanish or the Catalan working class. They represent capitalist and upper middle-class economic interests in Catalonia. They, too, have supported austerity measures in Catalonia. Workers are bound to question his motives in seeking Catalan independence. His policy, in effect, is to promote the interests of Catalan capitalists at the expense of workers throughout the rest of Spain. Catalonia is a relatively well-off part of Spain; it makes up only 6 percent of the country’s territory and 16 percent of its population, but it accounts for a fifth of economic output and a quarter of exports.
Puigdemont and his party believe that in paying 20 per cent of Spain’s total taxes, but getting proportionally less back, Catalonia has a raw deal. He therefore wants the Catalan region to pay less to the central government – which will inevitably be at the expense of Spanish workers elsewhere – so that he can cut taxes for the better-off sections of Catalan society. The fact that nationally-paid taxes are used to subsidise the less developed regions of Spain, such as Andalucía and Estremadura, are of no consequence to him. He is fundamentally no different to the right-wing Northern League in Italy, who have recently conducted their own referendum for greater autonomy for Lombardy and Veneto, on the grounds that these wealthy regions should no longer continue to ‘subsidise’ the poorer regions of southern Italy.
It is hardly surprising, therefore, that the Puigdemont’s politics have been used by right-wing politicians in the rest of Spain to mobilise opposition to Catalan independence. Mass rallies in Madrid, Andalucia, Galicia and elsewhere, in favour of the ‘unity’ of Spain were organised by the political right, who, addressing other Spanish workers, suggest that Puigdemont “wants to make Catalans better off…at your expense!”
Had it been left to Puigdemont himself, it is possible that there may have been a negotiated settlement with the central government in Madrid. Puigdemont vacillated after the October 1st referendum but was pushed by a general strike movement and massive pro-nationalist demonstrations to declare independence on October 10th. The eruption of the masses onto the streets forced him to go down a road that he may not have given any thought to beforehand. Even then, he ‘suspended’ the implementation of the declaration. His letter to Prime Minister Rajoy last week called for a meeting “at the earliest opportunity” to “explore” agreements.
Puigdemont was about to climb down and call new elections for the Catalan parliament, but mass rallies and demonstrations outside his office in recent days forced his hand. When news filtered out that he was considering new Catalan elections instead of declaring independence, anger coursed through the streets of Barcelona; cries of “traitor” were heard and these echoed around social media. Twice his statements were delayed as he huddled with his advisers indoors. When he finally appeared, hours later, he blamed Madrid’s determination to shut down the Catalonian parliament for his decision not to hold new elections and moved instead to a vote in the Catalan parliament. As the correspondent of Bloomberg News put it, “It’s the crowd that is driving the Catalan process now.” The “crowd” as this correspondent puts it, is the huge mass movement that has developed in Catalonia, no small thanks to the Rajoy Government’s ham-fisted brutality.
What Rajoy does not understand, of course, is that the ‘integrity’ of Spain cannot be guaranteed on any other basis than as a voluntary union of peoples. It is the duty of socialists everywhere to support the right of self-determination of the Catalan people, even to the point of secession. If the majority of workers in Catalonia want independence, then socialists must accept this as of right. It is not the same thing, however, to argue in favour of separation. It is wrong for the Left to jump on the coat-tails of capitalist politicians like Puigdemont, as many have done, as if class politics had no bearing on the Catalonian issue.
To argue for an “independent Catalan Republic”, as some on the left do, is a delusion and a trap. It will not be possible on a capitalist basis to establish an independent Catalonian state, without serious economic dislocation and even greater insecurity and cuts for workers. Puigdemont’s independence is for the Catalan middle and upper classes, not for the Catalan working class, which will be made to pay for an even deeper crisis of capitalism in Catalonia if “independence” were implemented. Sections of the Catalan and Spanish capitalist class have already voted with their feet with more than 1,000 businesses having already left Catalonia along with several large banks. Moreover, there is a serious risk that a struggle on these lines would create deep and long-lasting divisions within the working-class in Spain.
To fight, on the other hand, for an “independent Socialist Catalonia” is an entirely different matter. Such a fight cannot be undertaken by tail-ending Puigdemont, but by opposing him and his party on class lines. The fight for a Socialist Catalonia necessarily involves a unified struggle of Spanish and Catalan workers, not just for a new Catalonia, but for a Socialist Federation of Spanish nations and peoples. It was no accident that the last great struggle for an independent Catalonia and its declaration in 1934, was a part of a generalised revolutionary struggle across the whole of Spain. It must also be remembered that the population of Catalonia is not only made up of Catalans. A very large part is made up of Spanish-speaking workers who moved to the region from other parts of Spain over the past 40 years.
If the movement for independence is fought purely along nationalist lines, there is the very real risk of a split in the working class within Catalonia itself. However, if the struggle for Catalonian independence was framed within a working-class movement for a Socialist Federation of Spain, it could provoke a massive movement of support throughout the rest of Spain. It would immediately pull the rug from under the right-wing politicians implementing generalised austerity, while calling rallies and demonstrations for Spanish ‘unity’ and against Catalonia.
The legitimacy of Puigdemont’s declaration of independence has been questioned by the limited nature of the referendum on October 1st – brutally sabotaged by the Guardia Civil, but also boycotted by many workers in Catalonia. The last elections to the Catalan parliament, in 2016, produced a slim majority vote against independence, but the peculiarities of the system translated that into a slim majority of elected members in favour. That is why the vote in the Catalan parliament on Friday, independence was carried by only 70 representatives out of an assembly of 135. Opinion polls up to recently showed a slim majority of Catalans still against full independence, although the brutality of the Madrid response may well have changed that.
But the legitimacy of a Catalonian national movement would not be questioned if it was a class movement, based on all workers in Catalonia for an independent Socialist Catalonia, and as part of a struggle for a Socialist Federation of Spanish peoples and nations.
It is impossible to predict what is likely to happen in the coming weeks. Amid the celebrations at the declaration of independence in Barcelona, there is also a sense of “unease”, according to several newspapers. Carles Riera, of the pro-independent CUP party, suggested that the declaration would help “transform the lives of working people”, but without saying how that would happen. In contrast to this, Evan Granados, the leader of the anti-independent Catalan Socialist Party asked, “Have you any idea how frightened many Catalans are?” The Podemos mayor of Barcelona tweeted her opposition both to Rajoy and to Puigdemont. She has attacked Madrid for “a coup against democracy” and simultaneously condemned Puigdemont’s “kamikaze dash” to independence without, she argues, majority support.
Supporters of independence have enormous illusions in what will come out of the declaration. Thus, for example, Felip Marti, a philosophy professor quoted in The Guardian, commented that the new republic would be “radically open and democratic.” No doubt the good professor will cry ‘foul’ when not a single EU state recognises an independent Catalonia and the whole project begins to unravel. The extensive ‘committees for the defence of the referendum’ which have been formed will amount to nothing, unless they develop a mass base, become rooted in the working class and are linked to a fight for socialist change.
Much will depend on the tactics employed by the Rajoy government in Madrid and how it begins to dismantle the bureaucracy of the Catalan parliament. The head of the Mossos d’Esquadra, the Catalan police, has been sacked and it is not clear how Madrid will exercise its control over them in the coming weeks. Even the sacked leader has called on these police officers to obey the National Government and if they do so, Puigdemont has no state machine. In the words of Engels, under capitalism the state machine is the executive committee of the ruling class. On a capitalist basis how does an “independent” Catalonia function without a state machine?
Rajoy has clumsily done his best to stoke up support for Catalan independence by his arrest and charging of the “two Jordis” with sedition and the brutal use of the Guardia Civil on referendum day. If he now arranges the arrest and charging of Puigdemont with “rebellion”, as has been suggested, it will only inflame the independence movement even more. It is not much use offering Puigdemont the right to participate in the new December 21 elections “if he’s not in jail”.
A lot depends now on how the nationalist parties respond to the new Catalan elections called by Rajoy. Some of them will undoubtedly take part. The two main Catalan trade unions, the CCOO (Workers’ Commissions) and UGT (Trade union Federation), both of which called for independence at the beginning of the month, have called for support for and participation in the new elections.
One of the main things Rajoy has in his favour is the support of the EU and this is not an insignificant factor. An “independent” Catalonia, would not even be able to conduct flights in and out of Barcelona airport without the agreement of the EU and that does not look like it would be forthcoming. As Donald Tusk, the chair of the European Council said, “Europe does not need any more cracks”. Agreeing to an independent Catalonia would spark movements for independence in the Basque country in Spain, in Corsica and elsewhere in Europe and the whole ‘European Project’ would begin to unwind. Only the nationalist movements in Scotland and Corsica – for obvious reasons – have supported the Catalan declaration of independence.
Spanish politics is now a deadly minefield through which Rajoy can either tip-toe carefully or bulldoze with all the inevitable consequences in terms of social, economic and political upheaval.
As Spain was marching towards social revolution in 1931, Leon Trotsky referred to the class divisions within the Catalan nationalist movement at that time:
“…while the ‘separation’ of the Catalan bourgeoisie is only a pawn in its play with the Madrid government against the Catalan and Spanish people, the separatism of the workers and peasants is only the shell of their social rebellion. One must distinguish very rigidly between these two forms of separatism.
“Precisely, however, in order to draw the line between the nationally oppressed workers and peasants and their bourgeoisie, the proletarian vanguard must take the boldest and most sincere position on the question of national self-determination. The workers will fully and completely defend the right of the Catalans and Basques to organise their state life independently in the event that the majority of these nationalities express themselves for complete separation. But this does not, of course mean that the advanced workers will push the Catalans and Basques on the road to secession. On the contrary, the economic unity of the country, with extensive autonomy of national districts, would represent a great advantage for the workers and peasants from the viewpoint of economy and culture.”
(The Revolution in Spain, January 24 1931, original italics)
Written more than eighty years ago, these words have a vital relevance to socialists today as they unpick the complexities of Spanish and Catalan politics. These words highlight the essential elements of a socialist policy – always to emphasise the common interests of all workers and to maximise workers’ unity, always to emphasise a deep distrust of capitalist politicians, while at the same time expressing a profound sympathy and understanding of nationalist feelings among workers.
· No support for Rajoy’s oppressions in Catalonia!
· Withdraw the Guardia Civil, cancel article 155!
· No support for the pro-capitalist policies of Puigdemont in Catalonia!
· For workers’ unity and a struggle for a Socialist Catalonia within a Socialist Federation of Spanish peoples and nations!
October 30, 2017
