From La Riposte
[Editorial note: the rise of the far right in Italy, and the responsibility for this through the failures of so-called ‘moderate’ socialists, is an important political issue. In that sense, the Italian election has lessons for workers in Britain. If the election of a ‘moderate’ Labour government gave way to failure on the basic issues facing the working class, this could propel British politics in the same direction as in Italy. For that reason, this article, although written from a French perspective, has important lessons for us]
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The electoral victory of the “centre-right” coalition marks a new step in the rise of nationalist, authoritarian and fascistic tendencies in Europe. The main component of the new coalition is Fratelli d’Italia whose leader, Giorgia Meloni, is an admirer of Benito Mussolini.
The other two parties in the coalition are Forza Italia (Berlusconi) and La Liga (Salvini). The increase in the number of votes for the parties in this bloc is relatively modest. Rather, the change lies in the distribution of votes between them. While Forza Italia and La Liga have lost more than half of their respective voters since 2018, those of Fratelli d’Italia are five times as many.
This transfer of votes within the right is mainly explained by the radical opposition of Fratelli d’Italia to the so-called “Draghi agenda”, a list of 63 retrograde reforms which condition European financial aid within the framework of the “national recovery plan”, which is reminiscent of the austerity policy imposed on Greece.
Democratic Party supposedly ‘left’, but with policies like Macron
The Five Star Movement has supported the Draghi agenda, which is rejected by the vast majority of the population. The same goes for the Democratic Party, supposedly “leftist”, but whose policy is only an Italian version of “macronism”.
Overall, the turnout was only 64%. In the southern regions, turnout was below 60%. The Five Star Movement, under former Council President Giuseppe Conte, won only 4.3m votes, down from 10.7m in 2018, a loss of six million.
The elections in Italy took place in an atmosphere of fatalistic indifference. The massive abstention rate benefited the so-called “centre-right” coalition, and especially Fratelli d’Italia, which presented itself under the colours of an “anti-establishment” party.
The electoral statistics are enough to deny the idea of an electoral “tidal wave” of the extreme right. However, the features of this election are no less alarming. In a country that lived for more than 20 years under the rule of Mussolini’s fascism, the absence of mobilization – not only at the ballot box, but above all in the streets – to counter the prospect of a “Mussolinian” head of state — says a lot about the mood of the masses.
The leaders of the Democratic Party, in coalition with the Five Star Movement, applied a policy of social regression and repression of migrants. In practice, nothing distinguished it from the right, like the Socialist Party in France.
Resurgence of xenophobia and nationalism across Europe
The political situation in Europe is different, depending on the country, but if it is necessary to identify a characteristic that exists in practically all the countries of the continent, it would be a resurgence of nationalist and xenophobic tendencies.
The “identity” reflexes underlying Giorgia Meloni’s political rise are in no way exclusively Italian. Everywhere, the bankruptcy of the “moderate” left favoured the rise of the extreme right. What happened in Italy has already happened in other European countries and may also happen in France.
The historical springs of nationalism in Europe go back a long way in history. It is a danger that it would be wrong to underestimate. Since 2014, La Riposte has published several articles on this theme. In 2016, we wrote: “Of all the continents of the world, none is more fragmented than Europe. If we include Ukraine, Turkey and the Caucasus countries, it contains no less than fifty national states.
“Often, within these states, several languages and cultures coexist. The human cost of wars between European states in the 20th century is beyond imagination. In the 31 years between the beginning of the First World War and the end of the Second, nearly 100 million Europeans have perished in the destructive madness, famines and forced displacement of populations by which capitalism has tried to “resolve” the national question in its own way. But death is not the only legacy of this bloody past. He left people with terrible memories.
“With time, the sufferings of the past have faded into the collective consciousness. For 70 years, the heart of Europe has known peace. And yet, several wars have broken out in its peripheral regions, such as in Georgia, the Balkans and Ukraine. These wars indicate that, in conditions of economic and social crisis, old national rivalries and hatreds can resurface with violence.” (The crisis of the European Union and the nationalist danger, August 2016)
The far right is a threat to the labour movement
Today, this danger is much more palpable than in 2016. Eventually, it could become an extremely serious threat – not to say a mortal threat – for workers’ organizations, for democracy and for the struggle against capitalism. The bloody history of the continent reminds us that the rejection of “elites” does not necessarily take an “anti-capitalist” and progressive form. Reactionary forces can take advantage of this. If the labour movement does not present an alternative to capitalism, the need for change can flow down the channels of nationalism and even fascism.
However, for the time being in Italy and despite the alarming nature of the electoral results, we are not there yet. The formation of a government led by Giorgia Meloni does not mean the advent of a fascist regime. In all likelihood, the policy of the next Italian government will resemble those that preceded it.
Her coming to power will not change the contours of the crisis of Italian capitalism. The energy crisis, the repercussions of the war in Ukraine, inflation, rising interest rates, public debt (156% of GDP), the extreme weakness of productive investments are problems that Giorgia Meloni’s program will not solve.
For Italy’s youth, the outlook is particularly bleak. No less than 2.1 mn young people between the ages of 15 and 29 (23%) are neither in the education system, nor in vocational training, nor in employment. What does the majority coalition for youth propose? Nothing.
Meloni, despite election promises, will continue with the status quo
Meloni may campaign against the Draghi agenda, but she will still be forced to accept certain realities. Without the financial support of the European Union, the Italian state would go bankrupt. If it denounces the agreement, there will be a considerable aggravation of the public debt. However, during her campaign, she promised to reduce taxes.
If it denounces the agreement, there will be a considerable aggravation of the public debt. However, during her campaign, she promised to reduce taxes. Fratelli d’Italia is trapped in its own demagoguery. In all likelihood, the new government will end up accepting the essence of Draghi’s agenda.
Be that as it may, the advance of reactionary forces in Italy has been greatly facilitated by the bankruptcy of the “moderate” left, which does not envisage any alternative to capitalism. The coalition led by Giorgia Meloni will not provide any solution to the problems of low wages and job insecurity. Inflation will continue to eat away at people’s standard of living.
Production will stagnate. The new government will try to deflect popular anger against migrants, but that will not solve the crisis. Italian workers are politically disarmed, but the solution must come from them. The persistence of the crisis will push them to revolt against austerity, against all the injustices of the system. Their ultimate goal must be the seizure of workers’ power and the abolition of capitalist domination.
Because if no prospect of getting out of it opens up, the people will have to “make do with” capitalism and seek a way out on the basis of competition, not only between the capitalists, but also between the workers. This is what gives traction to the claim of “national priority” and to xenophobia, in Italy, in France, and everywhere in Europe.
From the article in the French Marxist journal La Riposte. The original can be found here.
