New Delhi rocked by protests
By Umar Shahid
The Indian farmers’ struggle entered a new phase on 26 January, when, breaking through police barricades and sweeping through all hurdles, farmers managed to get into the Red Fort and wave their union flags. The Red Fort is a Mughal era relic and is considered a power symbol in India. Every year on “Independence” Day (15 August), the Indian Prime Minister hoists the Indian national flag and delivers speech from its ramparts.
This year on Republic Day, the world saw a different scene. The Centre of Delhi became a battleground between farmers and security forces. Some violent clashes were also observed and according to reports, these clashes left one person dead and many injured. Due to these clashes, Indian farmers called off a march to parliament on February 1st and the leaders also condemned the violence. While talking to The Guardian, one farmer said, “We have been protesting for the last six months but the government didn’t bother to listen to us, our ancestors have charged this fort several times in history. This was a message to the government that we can do it again and more than this if our demands are not met.”
Corporatizing the agricultural sector
Farmers are protesting against three controversial agriculture laws: the Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, the Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, and the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act.
These laws are meant to corporatize the agricultural sector. They aim to eliminate Agricultural Produce Market Committees (APMCs) and leave the prices of produce at the mercy of market forces. A bill also curtails farmers’ ability to challenge contract disputes in court and aims to “drive up investment in cold storages”, encouraging stockpiling and providing unfair advantages to big capitalists.
Months of resistance
Thousands upon thousands of farmworkers rallied on foot and on tractors in New Delhi against the three “pro-business” agriculture laws passed by the Modi government after months of resistance against the unpopular laws.
The basic purpose of APMCs is to ensure that all the farmers’ produce is brought in the designated market yard and then sold through auction.
It is the continuation of the “agriculture produce market regulation programs” established since Indian independence. These laws ensured a minimum support price (MSP) for farmer’s harvest, set and paid by the government.
Through APMC mandi models, a larger section of the Indian population is benefiting. The Food Corporation of India (FCI) is state-run and is the largest procurer and distributor of food grains; it procures 15 to 20 per cent of India’s wheat output and 12 to 15 per cent of its rice output annually. It provides food through various government-run welfare schemes at a subsidised rate, helping poorer sections of society.
The difference between MSP and subsidised rates is paid by the government. It is no coincidence that the largest area of FCI procurement is the state of Punjab and this state, as well as Haryana are the epicentres of the current farmer’s movement. These two states constitute only three per cent of India’s land area but produce close to 50 per cent of its surplus of rice and wheat.
Allowing market forces to dominate
These laws aim to eradicate all state intervention in agriculture, to allow market forces to determine the prices of crops. This will ‘liberalise’ agriculture by limiting the role of mandi by offering tax-free rate outside the mandis. It will benefit large retailers and capitalists, like billionaire Mukesh Ambani, while small and marginal farmers will be among the worst victims. Most importantly, contract farming undertaken by big corporate buyers would skew bargaining power against farmers.
The Indian state of Bihar is a perfect case study, where similar laws were enacted 15 years ago. These laws dismantled government procurement infrastructure and the “open” markets’ promises of better remuneration never materialised for ordinary farmers. According to Indian official statistics, last year, farmers in Punjab sold rice for MSP at around $25 for 100 kilograms, while Bihar farmers were forced to sell the same quantity of rice at just $16 on the open market.
Halted train services
Soon after the introduction of these laws in September, farmers started the campaign for “Rail Roko” (stop the trains), from 24th September to 23rd October 2020, farmers successfully halted train services by lying and protesting on railway tracks. After seeing no response from their state governments, farmers decided to pressure the central government for their cause. Millions of farmers across India gave the call for Delhi Chalo (farmers’ march towards Delhi, the national capital).
Since the end of November, Indian farmers successfully established their townships outside Delhi and held a sit-in. On 26 November, a Bharat Bandh (closure of India, a 24-hour strike) was observed throughout the country by 250 million farmers and workers.
Since then, farmers have kept up their blockade of Delhi. Opposition parties and several celebrities have expressed their support for the farmers’ struggle.
Defaming farmers’ struggle
Despite all hurdles, farmers have kept on struggling and are demanding a repeal of all the new laws. The dominant right-wing media is playing a scandalous role, as the hired agents of the ruling class, by by projecting the farmers as ‘terrorists’, acting on a ‘foreign agenda’ to ‘destabilise’ the country. These capitalists’ mouthpieces are trying to defame the farmers’ struggle. Farmers have been branded as ‘separatists’, ‘misled’ by political parties.
The government has attempted to break the farmers’ unity, but they have shown a resilience unprecedented in recent history.
The government has also alleged that opposition parties are trying to undermine ‘political stability’, but a farmer retorted, “If the Congress Party had the means to mobilise hundreds of thousands of farmers, their women and children included, the party would have won the general election.”
Farmers demand total repeal
The farmers’ struggle is beginning to pay off. The government has proposed the suspension (ie non-application) of the new laws for the 18 months and has even offered some other concessions. However, farmers want the total repeal of the laws and they asked for a special parliamentary session to be conveyed to do that.
In the second week of January, the Indian Supreme Court also rushed to save the face of ruling class by suspending the implementation of the three farm laws until further notice and has decided to set up a committee to examine the situation.
However, the All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee, which organises the farmers, has rejected the formation of the new committee, because it was made up of people who are known for their support for the three acts.
The Farmers’ Demands Include:
* Convening of a special session of parliament to repeal the farm laws
* Making a minimum support price (MSP) and state procurement of crops a legal obligation
* Assurances that conventional procurement system will remain
* Implementation of a MSP of at least 50 per cent above the weighted average cost of production
* Diesel fuel prices for agricultural use to be cut by 50 per cent
* The repeal of the Commission on Air Quality Management in NCR and the adjoining ordinance 2020 and the removal of punishments and fines for stubble burning
* The release of farmers arrested for burning paddy stubble in Punjab
* The abolition of the Electricity Ordinance 2020
* National government should not interfere in state subjects, so there is decentralization in practice
* The withdrawal of all cases against and the release of farmer leaders
Agriculture is still a predominant occupation in India. According to the World Bank, more than 40 per cent of India’s workforce is engaged in the sector. It provides a livelihood to nearly 70 per cent of the country’s 1.3 billion people. Water shortages, natural calamities, debt, increasing input costs, double-digit inflation, all combined with manslaughter by multinational companies have ruined the lives of farmers.
A report by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in 2018 estimated that in real terms, farmers’ incomes increased by just 2 per cent in a year. Other independent policy experts believe farmers’ incomes in real terms have remained stagnant or even declined for several decades.
Since neoliberal reforms were launched in India in 1992, economic disparities have been increasing. A recent report by Oxfam revealed that India’s richest one per cent holds more than four-times the wealth held by the bottom 70 per cent of the country’s population; meanwhile the total wealth of all the billionaires of the country is more than the country’s annual budget.
Neoliberal agenda being pushed
The current Modi regime is aggressively pushing a neoliberal agenda by amending the labour laws, giving more relief to the corporate sector, privatization and allowing foreign direct investment in all sectors of the economy. With his “One Nation, One Market.” slogan, Modi Sarkar is fuelling nationalism for corporatising the economy through various programs like the Jan Dhan Initiative.
Since the “independence” to the opening of markets, the growth of Indian capitalism was mainly based upon state intervention in the economy; now everything has been put into reverse.
While India is facing its worst crisis, due to the Covid pandemic and a collapsing economy, the Modi government is aggressively pushing for privatisation. The Finance Ministry has prepared plans to sell major state-owned assets in the next five years.
It is the main reason that the government distancing itself and is not investing in the economy. The government needed to invest 6.39bn rupees ($86bn) in the agricultural sector to save it, but it has reduced its funding; even in many Indian states direct cash transfer programs have been halted. Similarly, data on public and private investment show it has been falling. Private investors are more inclined to invest in stock markets, property or digital industries.
International solidarity
The farmers’ struggle is a very remarkable movement as the country’s “strongman” Modi, with all the power at his disposal, has been unable to contain it. The movement has been able to garner international solidarity. Students’ organizations, trade unions and civil society are also participating in solidarity.
The ever-growing farmer’s movement is attracting support from large sections of the population. Despite all their heroism and bravado, there are some visible limitations of farmers’ movement. Although the so-called ‘communist’ parties and trade unions are participating in this movement, they are lacking a decisive action program.
We understand that movements of the peasantry have critical limitations. There are different layers within the peasantry itself, with some big landowners, medium landowners and landless agricultural labourer. Despite all sentimental veils around this movement, there are tangible weaknesses. Only six per cent of the farmers could sell their produce to government agencies. A large portion of farmers still consists of landless farmers.
Growing indebtedness of farmers
For example, according to a 2015-16 agriculture ministry survey, more than 85 per cent of farmers have less than two hectares (five acres) of land. Fewer than one in hundred farmers own over 10 hectares. Debt among farmers is rising, as the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development reported in 2018 that 52.5 per cent of all the agricultural households were indebted with an average debt of $1,470.
Suicides among farmers are also rampant; National Crime Records Bureau suggests that every day 28 farmers commit suicide in India. The top six states, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Telangana, and Chhattisgarh, account for 83 per cent of all the farmers’ suicides. Due to the large informal Indian economy, most of the hard-earned farmers’ profits go to paying a high-interest rate to private moneylenders. In the end, the farmer ends up selling his land to pay off the debts.
The leadership of the current movement wants to confine the struggle to the demands of the landed farmers only. Their demands do not take into account the interests of poor peasants, agriculture labourers and artisans, who have less concern for the minimum wage rates, debts, natural calamities or water shortages etc. Many small landholders also work in big cities to run their kitchens.
Remnants of slavery remain
Recently, Covid lockdowns have seen the worst effects on their livelihoods. Although, the Indian state attempted to destroy the feudal system by abolishing the Zamindari system in the country, even today many regions and areas of the county continue to play host to the oppressive feudal system. In large parts of India, remnants of slavery are still visible.
While the nationalist elements are aiming to confine this movement to the interests of the tiny fraction of the farmers’ community, the scope of the movement is also aligning with working-class, agricultural labourers and other layers of society on a clear class-based program.
There is no doubt that this movement has given an enormous impetus to recent struggles. The Indian working class is already struggling against privatisation, controversial amendments to labour laws, shrinking wages and so on. Bharat Bandh was an expression of worker-farmer unity but consolidating the different movements in a large decisive movement is the key requirement.
Significant radical change
The Indian ‘communist’ parties are participating in the strikes, protests and movements, but their role is more as spectators than leaders. It is the urbanised working class which can lead the other layers of society to fight for significant radical change. The communist parties have been reduced to electoral politics only and the overthrow of capitalist society is no longer on their agenda.
India has rich history of working-class and peasant revolts; during the colonial era peasant revolts shocked the very core of British Imperialism. Even independent India has seen many tremendous farmers’ movements. However, unfortunately, the degeneration of the left has left room for the growth of outfits like the Naxalite movement, which emerged from a peasant movement that spurned political struggle and adopted the path of guerrilla warfare.
The current farmer’s movement has shaken Indian society to its very core. The bravery of the farmers has set new precedents. Now it needs the unity of the working-class and farmers to turn this movement into an open rebellion against capitalism and to pave the way for the revolutionary overthrow of the current system and its replacement with a socialist economy.
From the Asian Marxist Review. The original can be found here.
